by Kaiya Case, Kenyon College, ‘22
The following post is an annotated bibliography reviewing three separate scholarly articles, all rooted in the concept of adolescent neurological development as it translates into functional behavior. Stemming from key adolescent tendencies which Adrianna Galván touches on in the first few chapters of her text The Neuroscience of Adolescence, the studies detailed examine particular manifestations of impulse control, risk-taking, and the progression towards independence.
1. Article from the “further reading” suggestions at the end of the chapter: Casey, B.J. (2015). Beyond simple models of self-control to circuit based accounts of adolescent behavior. Annual Review of Psychology, 66, 295-319. Retrieved from: https://www-annualreviews-org.libproxy.kenyon.edu/doi/10.1146/annurev-psych-010814-015156
This article (recommended at the end of chapter one) discusses many of the same adolescent tendencies and related neurological models brought up by Galván, namely that of increased impulsiveness and experimentation. Though adolescents are physically in their near ‘prime’ in many ways, Casey first notes that their diminished self-control and inhibitions lead to increased mortality (specifically a 200% increase in preventable deaths) throughout such a challenging time of multi-leveled change. There exists within the adolescent brain a seeming inconsistency between increased “sensation seeking” but also the peak of anxiety and mood disorders. Casey points out the semi-hypocrisy of the negative, ‘defective’ connotation with adolescent tendencies for acting up. The brain has a lot to accomplish in adapting to drastically and rapidly changing both internal and environmental factors.
This article outlines two major approaches to understanding adolescent neuroscience and behavior: 1. “Translation,” which works across species uncovering evolutionarily-grounded behaviors. For example, all mammals exhibit patterns for increased interest in novelty and exploration as well as peers over parents during the adolescent period. These prove adaptive functions for reproductive success as steps towards independence and self-sufficiency, allowing for improved resource acquisition. 2. “Transition,” which examines the specific development between the stages of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood.
Casey also touches on the “hot” and “cold” brain systems described briefly by Galván, where adolescent neuroscience is considered through the lens of active response to surrounding events (hot) vs. implicit mental planning and calculation (cold) in a ‘dual-system model of willpower.’ Puberty amplifies signaling in the hot system, which is likely responsible for disrupting the cold system, emphasizing immediate over delayed reward. In addition to the two system concept, there are three key interconnected brain areas mainly involved in self-control: the amygdala, prefrontal cortex, and ventral striatum. During adolescence, temperamentality increases especially in regards to social cues, which results in less caution when it comes to motivated behavior. Casey cites a number of studies dealing with such behavior, including one that showed more risky gambling choices in adolescents relative to adults, and another reporting a dulled ability to suppress responses toward an unexpected social cue. He also talks about control in regards to perceived threats. Despite the cultural association with adolescents thinking themselves invincible, the opposite has revealed itself in a number of ways such as adolescent overestimation of danger and fatality relative to adults. While adolescents can properly appreciate consequences, they are more susceptible to getting wrapped up in the heat of the moment, with social factors and increased emotional charge fueling the fire.
2. Empirical article published in the past four years: Takamura, T., Nishitani, S., Suegami, T., Doi, H., Kakeyama, M., & Shinohara, K. (2015). Developmental changes in the neural responses to own and unfamiliar mothers smiling face throughout puberty. Frontiers in Neuroscience, 9. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnins.2015.00200.
With its focus on the relationship between mother and child, I chose to examine this article due to the central definition provided by Galván in The Neuroscience of Adolescence that the adolescent period ends roughly when the individual establishes independence from parental figures. Takamura et al. reinforce the importance of early, positive mother-child connection in building social relationships with others in all different ways later in life This is especially significant as peer interaction becomes much more prevalent during adolescence, yet the parent-child bond is classically known to shift in dynamic at that same time.
The study explicated in this article compares the neural response of males at three different developmental stages throughout puberty to a video of their respective mothers’ smiling. The sample of boys was split roughly into thirds between those just pre-puberty, near the height of puberty, and those who recently exited the pubertal phase. Response was measured specifically in the anterior section of the prefrontal cortex, and weighed against the neural response induced by the sight of an unfamiliar mother’s smiling face. It was found that the right inferior and medial parts of the anterior cortex would activate in those pre-puberty, while the left inferior, medial, and superior parts would light up in the mid-puberty group. Researchers concluded that this signified feelings of empathy, developed by supportive memory traces of maternal connection. Post-puberty demonstrated a lack of active response, indicating decreased interest in and reliance on parental figures.
3. Supplementary article: Galvan, A., Hare, T., Voss, H., Glover, G., & Casey, B. (2007). Risk-taking and the adolescent brain: Who is at risk? Developmental Science, 10(2), F8-F14. Retrieved from: http://search.ebscohost.com.libproxy.kenyon.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=mnh&AN=17286837&site=ehost-live.
Galván also talks a great deal in her introduction to adolescence as a whole as well as the concept of puberty about the idea of risk-taking as it has been traditionally associated with the adolescent stage. This empirical article (where Galván herself is involved as one of a number of responsible researchers) begins by noting the individual differences in impulsivity despite an overall tendency towards it and assumed cultural connection. While neurological reward-anticipation has been linked to risky behavior, and specifically greater nucleus accumbens (part of the ventral striatum) activity has been demonstrated in adolescents in comparison to their child and adult counterparts, this study strived to determine (over different developmental stages) whether accumbens activity directly correlates with the likelihood to undertake risks.
Galván et al. tested this central question through the use of fMRI conducted on participants ranging from child to adult, while following a certain version of the ‘Cognitive Appraisal of Risk Activities’ to assess how each individual weighed possible risks and consequences in regards to a given situation. While adults and adolescents indicated an association between accumbens activity and both negative and positive perceived consequences of risky behavior engagement, children did not. On the other hand, children and adolescents associated anticipated negative consequences with logically less engagement in risky behavior, but the anticipated pitfalls did not significantly sway the likelihood for engagement in adults. Whether an individual will perceive the consequences of an action as negative or positive is linked to both accumbens activity and their likelihood of engaging in risky behavior, and that proved true across all developmental stages. The researchers deduced that a change in the anticipation of risky behaviors’ consequences could therefore form the basis for the adolescent tendencies towards risk-taking, with the short-term benefits (such as peer admiration and overall social status) outweighing for them the potential long-term negative consequences. Additionally, as far as individual variation goes, case-by-case differences in consequence perception could determine whether the adolescent actually chooses to engage in the behavior.
With its focus on the relationship between mother and child, I chose to examine this article due to the central definition provided by Galván in The Neuroscience of Adolescence that the adolescent period ends roughly when the individual establishes independence from parental figures. Takamura et al. reinforce the importance of early, positive mother-child connection in building social relationships with others in all different ways later in life This is especially significant as peer interaction becomes much more prevalent during adolescence, yet the parent-child bond is classically known to shift in dynamic at that same time.
The study explicated in this article compares the neural response of males at three different developmental stages throughout puberty to a video of their respective mothers’ smiling. The sample of boys was split roughly into thirds between those just pre-puberty, near the height of puberty, and those who recently exited the pubertal phase. Response was measured specifically in the anterior section of the prefrontal cortex, and weighed against the neural response induced by the sight of an unfamiliar mother’s smiling face. It was found that the right inferior and medial parts of the anterior cortex would activate in those pre-puberty, while the left inferior, medial, and superior parts would light up in the mid-puberty group. Researchers concluded that this signified feelings of empathy, developed by supportive memory traces of maternal connection. Post-puberty demonstrated a lack of active response, indicating decreased interest in and reliance on parental figures.
3. Supplementary article: Galvan, A., Hare, T., Voss, H., Glover, G., & Casey, B. (2007). Risk-taking and the adolescent brain: Who is at risk? Developmental Science, 10(2), F8-F14. Retrieved from: http://search.ebscohost.com.libproxy.kenyon.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=mnh&AN=17286837&site=ehost-live.
Galván also talks a great deal in her introduction to adolescence as a whole as well as the concept of puberty about the idea of risk-taking as it has been traditionally associated with the adolescent stage. This empirical article (where Galván herself is involved as one of a number of responsible researchers) begins by noting the individual differences in impulsivity despite an overall tendency towards it and assumed cultural connection. While neurological reward-anticipation has been linked to risky behavior, and specifically greater nucleus accumbens (part of the ventral striatum) activity has been demonstrated in adolescents in comparison to their child and adult counterparts, this study strived to determine (over different developmental stages) whether accumbens activity directly correlates with the likelihood to undertake risks.
Galván et al. tested this central question through the use of fMRI conducted on participants ranging from child to adult, while following a certain version of the ‘Cognitive Appraisal of Risk Activities’ to assess how each individual weighed possible risks and consequences in regards to a given situation. While adults and adolescents indicated an association between accumbens activity and both negative and positive perceived consequences of risky behavior engagement, children did not. On the other hand, children and adolescents associated anticipated negative consequences with logically less engagement in risky behavior, but the anticipated pitfalls did not significantly sway the likelihood for engagement in adults. Whether an individual will perceive the consequences of an action as negative or positive is linked to both accumbens activity and their likelihood of engaging in risky behavior, and that proved true across all developmental stages. The researchers deduced that a change in the anticipation of risky behaviors’ consequences could therefore form the basis for the adolescent tendencies towards risk-taking, with the short-term benefits (such as peer admiration and overall social status) outweighing for them the potential long-term negative consequences. Additionally, as far as individual variation goes, case-by-case differences in consequence perception could determine whether the adolescent actually chooses to engage in the behavior.
Retrieved from: https://www.jyi.org/2018-may/2018/4/26/seeking-happiness-understanding-the-mechanisms-of-mixing-music-and-drugs
References:
Casey, B.J. (2015). Beyond simple models of self-control to circuit based accounts of adolescent behavior. Annual Review of Psychology, 66, 295-319. Retrieved from: https://www-annualreviews-org.libproxy.kenyon.edu/doi/10.1146/annurev-psych-010814-015156.
Galvan, A., Hare, T., Voss, H., Glover, G., & Casey, B. (2007). Risk-taking and the adolescent brain: Who is at risk? Developmental Science, 10(2), F8-F14. Retrieved from: http://search.ebscohost.com.libproxy.kenyon.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=mnh&AN=17286837&site=ehost-live.
Galván, A. (2017). The Neuroscience of Adolescence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (Chapter 1: “What is Adolescence?” & Chapter 2: “Puberty”)
Takamura, T., Nishitani, S., Suegami, T., Doi, H., Kakeyama, M., & Shinohara, K. (2015). Developmental changes in the neural responses to own and unfamiliar mothers smiling face throughout puberty. Frontiers in Neuroscience, 9. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnins.2015.00200.
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