Position Paper: Reforming Sexual Education in Public School

By Rose Fisher, Kenyon College, '22

This is an annotated bibliography of the position paper I wrote about sexual education in public school. My paper includes information and data collected from numerous studies, and reviews how sexual education can benefit adolescents, and how best to teach sexual education courses. I chose this topic because I think it is extremely important that comprehensive sexual education be offered in every high school across the country. 

When I entered adolescence, I was fortunate enough to go to a private school in North Carolina with an extremely comprehensive sexual education program. In high school, I was taught about what STDs are, what contraceptive methods are most effective, and what consent means. Many students in public schools across my home state do not receive the comprehensive sexual education that I did, and are instead taught that sex before marriage is wrong, and that abstinence is the only way to practice safe sex. Numerous scientific studies have proven, however, that sexual education is most effective when students are taught not to abstain from sex, but instead how to have safe sex. Research regarding the neuroscience of adolescence has proven that the neurological and biological changes associated with adolescence make teenagers more inclined to engage in sexual behavior, and conclude that the best way to prevent STDs and teenage pregnancies is to teach adolescents how to have protected sex. In addition to comprehensive sexual education being more effective, I believe that it teaches adolescents to be responsible and indicates that they are mature and trustworthy enough to make their own decisions regarding sex. Furthermore, I do not believe that the government should be responsible for judging whether students should be having sex, it should only be responsible for ensuring that adolescents are given complete, honest information about sex. Conversations about the morality of premarital sex can be had between a student and his/her family. Thus, it is my position that public high schools should offer transparent and comprehensive sexual education courses which teach adolescent students how to practice safe sex.
Research done by the Guttmacher Institute has shown that only twenty-four states and Washington D.C. mandate that their public schools have sexual education programs (2019). Of that twenty-four, only thirteen mandate that the information in the programs be medically accurate. Thirty-seven states and Washington D.C. allow parents to prohibit their children from receiving sexual education, and three states mandate parental consent before students can receive sexual education. These statistics are surprising, but are improvements in comparison to sexual education in the past (Santelli et al., 2017).  

Individuals are more inclined to engage in risky behavior such as sexual conduct during adolescence because their brains, particularly their prefrontal cortices, are rapidly developing and their hormone levels are increasing (Galván, 2010). According to the Harvard Health Blog, males produce ten times the amount of testosterone during adolescence versus childhood (2011). This increased interest in sex is also a result of the adolescent brain developing the ability to self-regulate, or to regulate emotions, behaviors and thought processes (Crandall, Magnusson, & Novilla, 2017). Because their prefrontal cortices are still evolving, adolescents are less able to self-regulate their emotions and behaviors. As a result of this, they may act impulsively and engage in risky behavior, even behavior that they have been warned against. During adolescence, the reward system in the brain, which measures and reacts to pleasurable stimulation from a person’s environment, is significantly more active than during childhood or adulthood. Thus, when adolescents engage in pleasurable activities such as sex, they experience a surge of dopamine, encouraging them to continue engaging in risky, thrill-seeking behavior (Galván, 2010). Additionally, adolescent individuals are significantly more interested in forming connections with peers, including romantic and sexual connections, as they begin to value friendships and peer opinions more.

As a result of their desire for social connections and peer-approval, adolescents are much more susceptible to peer pressure (Galván, 2010). While peer pressure is often associated with using drugs or drinking alcohol, it applies to a broader range of activities including sex. Adolescents may not experience pressure to have sex in the moment, as they may to drink at a party where there is alcohol, but they can feel pressured by their friends who are sexually active to begin having sex.

Increased interest in romantic relationships coupled with changes in sex hormone levels and neurological functioning all contribute to teenagers beginning to take interest in engaging in sexual behavior (Galván, 2010). Furthermore, adolescent individuals are increasingly inclined to rebel and disobey authority figures who prohibit them from engaging in dangerous activities. Because it likely that teenagers will rebel from abstinence-only rhetoric, it is far better that they be prepared to practice safe sex. As of 2012, only 71% of American high school districts required that sexual education be taught (Breuner & Mattson, 2016). The abstinence-only information provided by many American public schools has been proven to be ineffective at preventing STDs and unplanned pregnancies, while comprehensive sexual education has been proven to be effective in both these categories. A study done in 2005 demonstrated that while 99% of teenagers who did not take a virginity pledge had sex before marriage, 88% of teenagers who took the pledge engaged in premarital sex (Breuner & Mattson, 2016). Furthermore, it is worth noting that public schools which do not provide comprehensive sexual education on moral grounds do not account for situations wherein an adolescent is in a sexually abusive relationship or is raped. In these situations, adolescents who have been given an abstinence-only education would not know how to prevent pregnancy (by use of the morning-after pill or abortion) or recognize the symptoms of an STD.

As stated earlier, adolescence is a period of development when individuals are learning to control their behaviors and regulate their emotions. While it may seem counterintuitive, risk-taking is actually necessary in order for an adolescent to become independent from his/her parents (Galván, 2010). It is crucial that adolescents be treated with respect and be given  responsibility regarding their own sexual activity to learn how to make decisions for themselves. The distrust and lack of transparency associated with abstinence-only sexual education policies, or any policies which do not explain how to engage in safe sex, make adolescents distrust their teachers and feel uncomfortable asking legitimate questions when they have them. If nothing else, teenagers should not feel awkward or ashamed asking questions or having conversations about sex with their teachers and peers.

The last reason that public schools should mandate comprehensive sexual education is because it is not the government’s responsibility to impose its opinion about the morality of sex on public schools, and thus on adolescents. The implication of abstinence-only policies is often that sex is not only dangerous, but immoral. Although this is increasingly frowned-upon, some high schools still shame girls about their sexuality in order to prevent them having sex before marriage, often using the visual aid of a white napkin or slipper becoming dirty after one use and  no longer being wanted. Contrary to this representation, sex is not necessarily a bad thing when consensual and practiced safely. An adolescent’s decision in regards to whether or not s/he is ready to have sex should be between him/her and his/her family. The decision should not be in the hands of the government or his/her high school. Sexual education classes should be for the purpose of teaching adolescents the facts about sex and sexual relationships. Furthermore, it is worth noting that at many public schools, sexual education is limited to education about heterosexual relationships. All relationships and sexualities should be represented in sexual education classes, as again it is not the place of the government to impose its opinions on students’ sexualites, and what kind of sex they should or should not be practicing.  

The aim of this paper is not to imply that high schools should not teach adolescents the dangers associated with having sex, or that sex should not be taken seriously. In fact, it is extremely important that students are able to have serious conversations with friends, family, and even teachers about their sexuality and readiness to have sex. However, students should be educated in regards to safe sex, and should have every option available. Adolescence is a period of experimentation and rebellion, and regardless of what is taught in school, teenagers will have premarital sex. Instead of trying to control them, schools should instead aim to teach teenagers how to have sex safely. This way, adolescents will not be afraid to ask questions about sex, to talk about sex, or to explore their sexualities.

While the conversation surrounding sexual education is constantly evolving, mostly in the right direction, there is still a lot of work to be done so that adolescents feel they have the education they need to make their own decisions, and so they can be responsible for their own sexual activity. This extensive education will help prevent unplanned pregnancies and STD’s, and will aid adolescents in making decisions about sex. Statistics and evidence prove that, when compared with abstinence-only programs, high schools that offer comprehensive sexual education better prepare students for practicing safe sex in the future (Kohler, Manhart & Lafferty, 2008). Educating adolescents on how to make informed decisions regarding sex will help them mature, become more confident and independent, and stay safe.

References:

Breuner, C. C., & Mattson, G. (2016, August 01). Sexuality Education for Children and Adolescents. Retrieved May 2, 2019, from https://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/138/2/e20161348.abstract

Crandall, A., Magnusson, B. M., & Novilla, M. L. (2017, June 29). Growth in Adolescent Self-Regulation and Impact on Sexual Risk-Taking: A Curve-of-Factors Analysis. Retrieved May 2, 2019, from https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10964-017-0706-4

Galván, A. (2017). The neuroscience of adolescence. Cambridge (United Kingdom): Cambridge University Press.

Kohler, P., Manhart, L., & Lafferty, W. (2008, January 31). Abstinence-Only and Comprehensive Sex Education and the Initiation of Sexual Activity and Teen Pregnancy. Retrieved May 2, 2019, from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1054139X07004260

Santelli, J., Kantor, L., Grilo, S., Speizer, I., Lindberg, L., Heitel, J., . . . Ott, M. (2017, August 22). Abstinence-Only-Until-Marriage: An Updated Review of U.S. Policies and Programs and Their Impact. Retrieved May 2, 2019, from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1054139X17302604

Sex and HIV Education. (2019, April 01). Retrieved May 2, 2019, from https://www.guttmacher.org/state-policy/explore/sex-and-hiv-education

The adolescent brain: Beyond raging hormones. (2011, July). Retrieved May 2, 2019, from https://www.health.harvard.edu/mind-and-mood/the-adolescent-brain-beyond-raging-hormones

https://www.consumerhealthdigest.com/female-sexual-health/female-sex-hormones.html



https://www.huffpost.com/entry/sex-education-requirement-maps_n_5111835


https://www.huffpost.com/entry/sex-education-requirement-maps_n_5111835  

      Prefrontal Cortex:

  https://neuroscientificallychallenged.com/blog/2014/5/16/know-your-brain-prefrontal-cortex                    

Position Paper: Adolescent Screen Time Exposure

by Al Gourrier Jr., Neuroscience & Psychology Major, Class of 2019 

My blog post is a position paper about adolescent screen time exposure. I chose this topic because there are many negative affects of excessive screen time exposure on children that the general public may not be aware of. 

My position paper is on screen time exposure during childhood and adolescence. I will discuss screen time exposure from a parenting perspective. More specifically, I will discuss why I will raise my future children in a household where screen time exposure is limited, especially before and during bed time hours.

Screen time and digital media is addictive, especially for children and adolescents who find themselves spending hours and hours in front of a screen. Excessive screen time not only takes away from the opportunity to engage in activities essential for proper development and exercise, but it also has adverse consequences that include: physical, psychological, social and neurological (Lissak, 2018). There are many known factors that contribute to these adverse effects (e.g. duration of screen time); however, Lissak (2018) talked about two factors (i.e. number of devices and after-dark use) that I had not thought of prior. I will talk about these factors among many others in the remainder of this paper. I will primarily focus on why I plan to limit excessive screen time exposure for my future children and provide empirical evidence to support my personal parenting perspective.

The accessibility of digital media and devices in general plays a significant role in screen time exposure in children and adolescents. Parents and guardians have the means to afford multiple televisions, phones, tablets, etcetera that result in ample devices available for excess leisure screen time. My future family, specifically my future children, will have limited access to a plethora of devices, especially after-dark use. In other words, my children will have the resources and means to acquire the devices and leisure screen time that comes with it. However, they will be expected to limit their time in front of a screen and partake in other activities, such as playing or reading. Exercise, socializing, and mental activities in the form of games promote good physical health, attachment and social coping.

Lissak (2018) states that these components of well-being (e.g. good physical health) are crucial for psychophysiological resilience, and excessive screen usage in children and adolescents is a primary factor that disrupts its development. For instance, excessive screen usage is associated with poor sleep, cardiovascular disease risk factors, and impaired vision (Lissak, 2018). Twenge and Campbell (2019) even tackled the daunting question that every Generation X and Baby Boomer has wondered (or at least hypothesized and reported as if it were factual): is time spent on digital media associated with lower psychological well-being?

Various studies’ offer different conclusions; however, Twenge and Campbell (2019) utilized three large surveys of adolescents [UK 15 year olds (n = 120,115) and American 8^th to 12^th graders (n = 100,981)] to gain a rather extensive sample (n = 221,096) to compare light daily digital usage (i.e. less than one hour) to heavy daily digital usage (i.e. five or more hours). Twenge and Campbell (2019) found that adolescents’ who reported heavy daily digital usage were significantly more likely to be unhappy and report low well-being, depression and suicidal ideation/attempts. Light daily digital usage, on the other hand, was found to have the highest well-being reports.

Given that we know that psychological well-being is crucial for healthy adolescent development and excessive screen time negatively influences well-being, I will limit my future children’s screen exposure. In addition to negatively influencing psychological well-being, excessive screen time exposure also has adverse consequences in brain structural changes and psycho-neurological effects. For instance, ADHD-related behaviors are associated with excessive screen usage, and addictive screen time usage consists of craving behavior that resembles substance dependence behavior (Lissak, 2018).

Moreover, Dunckley (2014) observed that her adolescent patients often suffered from “electronic screen syndrome,” which is characterized by a hyper aroused nervous system, lack of sleep, and sensory overload. Adolescent mood instability, attentional span, and inhibitory control are thus negatively influenced (i.e. side effects) as a result of screen overload and lead to a general decrease in cognitive control. Furthermore, Zhou et al. (2011) found that adolescents’ with internet addiction had decreased brain gray matter density, specifically in the left anterior and posterior cingulate cortex and left insula. Dunckley (2014) further reported on the significance of the insula in developing compassion and empathy, which are pivotal skills needed for the personal relationships that individuals work on developing in adolescence.

http://www.pnas.org/content/pnas/108/20/8075/F1.large.jpg?width=800&height=600&carousel=1

Dunckley also reported compromised white matter integrity, reduced cortical thickness, and impaired cognitive functioning as negative effects of too much screen time in the review. Compromised white matter integrity, in her review, referred to the loss in functional connectivity in the brain, which results in poor internal communication. Reduced cortical thickness, on the other hand, was found in the frontal lobe of late adolescent gaming addicts, which resulted in decreased performances in cognitive functioning. With all of this in mind, there’s a multitude of adverse consequences that result from too much time in front of a screen, and I will preemptively provide restrictions in order to avoid the possibility of my future children acquiring any of these negative effects. 

http://www.frontiersin.org/files/Articles/124474/frym-2014-00019-HTML/image_m/figure-1.jpg

Additional adverse consequences of excessive screen time exposure include: poor sleep and low parental attachment (Cajochen et al., 2011; Hale & Guan, 2015; Lissak, 2018; Richards et al., 2010). Computer screens emit short wavelength light-emitting diodes (LED), generally known as blue light. The blue light of the screen enhances alertness and increases cognitive performance in the evening, because human alert levels and circadian physiology is sensitive to blue light (Cajochen et al., 2011). The ability of screens to keep people cognitively alert is beneficial for adults that need to stay up. However, children and adolescents rarely need to be cognitively alert after dark. The excessive screen time exposure thus keeps children and adolescents up and results in a lack of sleep and increased sleep problems (Hale & Guan, 2015). Sleep is pivotal for healthy development in childhood and adolescence. Therefore, if limiting screen time exposure before and during bed time hours reduces the risk of sleep problems, then my future children will have bed time restrictions for screen time exposure.

Furthermore, Richards et al. (2010) found that increased screen time exposure was associated with low parental attachment for adolescents’ (14-15 years old). Increased television viewing and computer playing was also associated with low attachment to peers. Richards et al.’s (2010) results warrant immediate attention, because adolescence is a transitional period in development in which individuals socialize and begin to rebel in an effort to gain independence. Therefore, adolescents’ should at least have high attachment with their peers, if not with both parents and peers. My future children will not have excessive screen time exposure so that they’ll be able to properly develop social skills as well as high attachment to both their parents and peers. Furthermore, family television viewing will hopefully increase parental attachment as well. My future children will be able to watch what they want with their parents and develop a healthy parental relationship in the process, in addition to their independent leisure screen time.

The final adverse consequence of screen time that I’ll address in my position paper is particularly catered to mass media and the potential negative affect of social media on adolescent development and health. Media, specifically social media, has the potential to foster friendships and transmit information instantly. However, the social influences of media can also be detrimental to individuals’ psychological and physiological health, especially during adolescence.

The media plays a significant role in learning social norms. For instance, we know what the latest trends are due to media and we often unconsciously develop the ideals of beauty marked by thinness and lighter skin complexion. We cannot escape the thinness ideal when every model, actor/actress, spokesperson and celebrity fit a particular mold. The media constantly reminds and even reinforces people that there is an ideal body shape that we should work towards. With that in mind, the media ends up playing a critical role in the social context for body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. Spettigue and Henderson (2004) reported that women with anorexia nervosa even increased their social media use and further internalized the thinness ideal during the initial onset of the anorexia. The women know that social media is part of the problem; however, the power of social media to draw their attention is borderline addictive.

Social media is generally a part of the problem with regards to the development of eating disorders because of social comparison and cyber-bullying. However, media has the ability to promote and spread treatment and prevention messages as well. For instance, media advocacy and literacy campaigns and trainings for eating disorders are available, but seldom used or spread enough (especially in adolescent populations). Media thus plays a critical role in the development (and even treatment) of eating disorders. Therefore, with the accumulation of all of this empirical evidence of adverse consequences of excessive screen time exposure and social media influences, I plan to limit my future children’s screen exposure. Additionally, I think it is important to teach my children (e.g. young adolescence) the potential effects of excessive screen time exposure and social media, so that they are aware of the benefits and consequences of the technology that they live with.

References

Cajochen, C., Frey, S., Anders, D., Späti, J., Bues, M., Pross, A., ... & Stefani, O. (2011). Evening exposure to a light-emitting diodes (LED)-backlit computer screen affects circadian physiology and cognitive performance. Journal of applied physiology, 110(5), 1432-1438.

Dunckley, V. L. (2014). Gray matters: Too much screen time damages the brain. Psychology Today, 27.

Hale, L., & Guan, S. (2015). Screen time and sleep among school-aged children and adolescents: a systematic literature review. Sleep medicine reviews, 21, 50-58.

Lissak, G. (2018). Adverse physiological and psychological effects of screen time on children and adolescents: Literature review and case study. Environmental research, 164, 149-157.

Richards, R., McGee, R., Williams, S. M., Welch, D., & Hancox, R. J. (2010). Adolescent screen time and attachment to parents and peers. Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine, 164(3), 258-262.

Spettigue, W., & Henderson, K. A. (2004). Eating disorders and the role of the media. The Canadian child and adolescent psychiatry review, 13(1), 16.

Twenge, J. M., & Campbell, W. K. (2019). Media Use Is Linked to Lower Psychological Well-Being: Evidence from Three Datasets. Psychiatric Quarterly, 1-21.

Zhou, Y., Lin, F. C., Du, Y. S., Zhao, Z. M., Xu, J. R., & Lei, H. (2011). Gray matter abnormalities in Internet addiction: a voxel-based morphometry study. European journal of radiology, 79(1), 92-95.

The Multifaceted and Lasting Value of Music in Regards to Neurocognitive Development

by Kaiya Case, Kenyon College, ‘22

The following post is a position paper discussing the wide-reaching positive impacts of musical training on neurological development, particularly throughout the malleable adolescent period. Grounded in a breadth of relatively recent and decisive research, I argue that ample time for creative education should be built into the grade school curriculum.

It’s the classic trope; a grade school faces budget cuts, and without fail, the music department somehow finds itself first in line for the chopping block. Having attended the same small Quaker school all my life which prided itself to some extent on its performance arts, I really didn’t expect to fall victim to the same fate. I had always been I had always been heavily involved with music throughout middle and high school, gradually getting to know the small department and get involved in more ways than most others. I developed an almost peer-like relationship with my choral teacher, and always tried to find time to work with her outside of class, both performing independent work and discussing the program at open houses and such. Though my school was relatively proud of its arts program altogether, over the course of my high school years I still faced a number of frustrations with their treatment of the music program. It remained a point of advertising, and yet when we switched schedule systems my sophomore year, music was relegated to a shorter block of time, leaving students unable to learn more than one instrument and almost punishing them for taking music whatsoever, as while they had to practice for this short period every day, other students all had a rare block of shared free time. Then, despite the less than ideal state of our creative wing and the spotless gym we already had, the year following my graduation my school got a large grant directed all the money towards knocking down the old gym and building a massive new athletics facility overtop. Keeping in mind all we’ve learned about the importance of the adolescent period in regards to brain plasticity and the sharpening of more complex cognitive functions, I decided to investigate the impact of music practice specifically on development. With the following essay, I intend to demonstrate the value of music education and exercise on adolescent neurocognition, especially in regards to the concept of working memory and other executive functions. I argue that music programs should receive a higher relative proportion of grade school funding and attention, and some form of creative outlet should remain a course requirement throughout middle and high school.

Following the Adrianna Galván’s outline of these key concepts in her text The Neuroscience of Adolescence, working memory is defined as the ”temporary storage and processing of new and previously learned information” (Galván, p.146), and constitutes a critical element of neurocognition as memories are kept available for a period of cognitive processing. Without working memory, it would prove near impossible to reason, learn, or maintain concentration. This ability– accessed through verbal, numerical, and spatial thinking alike– is notably refined throughout adolescence, with what really continues to mature with age as one’s conscious ability to improve precision in working memory, as well as the development of the similarly broad range of brain regions involved. While fMRI testing has shown that the level of activation increases across development when it comes to simple memory tasks, it is the regions of activation which change across development when it comes to more complex tasks. That said, Galván notes that adolescents exhibit a different pattern altogether: They are able to perform just as well as adults, but maintaining the adult level of command demands more DLPFC activation from adolescents, suggesting greater effort needed for the same result. Another key neuroscientific structure which Galván discusses and factors significantly into the relationship between music and brain development is the prefrontal cortex, home of executive functioning. The prefrontal cortex allows humans exceptional cognitive flexibility “by serving an integrative function between sensory, motor, and higher cognitive regions” (p.121), and helps regulate our “top-down” processing. It remains environmentally “shapeable” (both reliant on and receptive to surrounding input) due to “complex, dynamic, and protracted development” (p.122).

Numerous intervention studies have targeted the many cognitive control functions which rely on the prefrontal cortex (i.e. inhibition, working memory, cognitive flexibility), providing some of the strongest evidence for its malleable development, as well as the particular impact of certain factors on development. One of these interventions using the study and rehearsal of music in adolescents as the independent variable was performed by researchers Nutley, Darki, and Klingberg over the course of the early 2000s and published in 2014 in the academic journal Frontiers in Human Neuroscience. They performed a longitudinal study which implemented music practice within the daily routines of a sample of individuals in order to determine its comparative effects on working memory, along with reasoning and cognitive processing speed. In their statement of intention, Nutley et al. mention that other intervention studies have proven the cognitive benefits of learning a musical instrument, and yet the childhood and adolescent periods critical to development have not yet been thoroughly explored in this manner. The intervention involved randomly chosen participants from the population of a small Swedish town ranging in age from six to twenty-five who were assessed three different times apiece, each session being two years apart (in 2007, 2009, and 2011, respectively). The variables of parental education and other extracurricular activities were accounted for. In addition, all recorded individuals spoke Swedish as their first language, were not diagnosed with any psychiatric or neurological disorders besides ADHD or dyslexia, and maintained unimpaired vision and hearing over the course of the experiment. Researchers tested working memory through the “dot matrix” task (where participants attempt to remember the location and order of dots shown in sequence on a digital grid) and “backward digit recall” (which involves repeating a series of numbers in the reverse order of how they are first read aloud). Processing speed was measured through a “letter–digit substitution task” (where a row of letters paired with numbers are shown, the numbers then removed, and participants asked to pair letters in different orders with their numbers), while non-verbal reasoning was assessed with “Raven’s Advanced Progressive Matrices.” Reading and mathematical academic tests were also employed for participants aged eight to twenty-five, in addition to a lifestyle questionnaire. A consistent, positive association across all three points in time was shown between musical practice and all three factors of working memory capacity (both verbal and spatial), reasoning, and processing speed. The participants were supplementarily assessed with neural imaging (even though that was not the dependent variable of major focus), and likewise positive structural differences were found such as a “larger gray matter volume in the temporo-occipital and insular cortex” (Nutley et al.).  Finally, positive change was also shown in proportion to the duration of instrument practice, reinforcing the direct connection between the activity and functional result.

In another article from Frontiers in Human Neuroscience, Swiss neuroscientific scholars Miendlarzewska and Trost provide a helpful comprehensive review of the lasting demonstrated benefits of musical training on brain development, concluding that it “not only enhances many cognitive functions but is accompanied by neuroplastic changes in brain structure and function” (Miendlarzewska & Trost). Far more than musical aptitude, the skills utilized have been shown to result in strengthened verbal and linguistic abilities, spatial and logical reasoning, listening precision, inhibition control, general academic achievement, and even social skills and emotional competence. Interestingly, individuals which experienced musical training from an early age (beginning throughout childhood and early adolescence) tend to more prominently exhibit the certain personality trait termed by researchers as “openness to experience.” This manifests in a heightened motivation to learn on a more broad scale, and is due to the rewarding nature of both musical training and listening illustrated through the dopamine release it prompts, and the subsequent role of the dopamine hormone in long-term memory formation and positive-feedback brain plasticity. Researchers even note the value of the various supplementary practices which often accompany musical training, such as public performance (which can prove stress-inducing, but in moderation “enables the individual to learn to overcome its disempowering impact with time”), the physical motor skills associated with many instruments, the social component of group ensembles, and even the “opportunity for creative self-expression and the development of an identity” (Miendlarzewska & Trost) which music education may offer.
Ultimately, devoting a certain amount of time to the practice of musical skills is not only beneficial on its own in sharpening executive functioning within the brain and strengthening one’s working memory, but it has proven a powerful supplement to traditional academic learning. These core cognitive skills are obviously applicable throughout other aspects of life, and provide a better foundation for other types of learning. Even more than their positive impact throughout the adolescent period, these effects are importantly lasting, with music practice having been reliably demonstrated as a positive predictor for a great number of advanced cognitive abilities. Given the only growing breadth of reassuring research on the neuroscientific value of creative education all throughout our development, coupled with the integral plasticity of the adolescent period in regards to the refinement of executive functioning, it is becoming increasingly difficult to deny the importance of room for creative liberty within education.

Retrieved from: https://medwrite.biz/46419_human_brain_diagram_right_lateral_view/

Retrieved from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Insular_cortex

Retrieved from: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3957486/

Retrieved from: https://www.rainbowrehab.com/executive-functioning/  

Retrieved from: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02673843.2011.650182

References:

Diamond, A. (2012). Activities and Programs That Improve Children’s Executive Functions. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 21(5), 335–341. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721412453722.

Galván, A. (2017). The Neuroscience of Adolescence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Law, L.N.C., Zentner, M. (2012). Assessing Musical Abilities Objectively: Construction and Validation of the Profile of Music Perception Skills. PLOS ONE 7(12): e52508. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0052508.

Miendlarzewska, E. A., & Trost, W. J. (2014). How Musical Training Affects Cognitive Development: Rhythm, Reward and Other Modulating Variables. Frontiers in Neuroscience, 7, 279. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnins.2013.00279.

Miranda, D. (2013) The Role of Music in Adolescent Development: Much More Than the Same Old Song. International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 18:1, 5-22. https://doi.org/10.1080/02673843.2011.650182.

Nutley, S. B., Darki, F., & Klingberg, T. (2014). Music Practice is Associated with Development of Working Memory During Childhood and Adolescence. Frontiers in Human Neuroscience. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnhum.2013.00926.

Séverine, S. (2009). Emotional Power of Music in Patients with Memory Disorders.

Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1169, 245-255. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2009.04555.x.

Zuk, J., Benjamin, C., Kenyon, A., Gaab, N. (2014). Behavioral and Neural Correlates of Executive Functioning in Musicians and Non-Musicians. PLOS ONE 9(6): e99868. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0099868.

Galván’s Introduction to Adolescence: The Relationship Between the Developing Brain and Behavioral Expression

by Kaiya Case, Kenyon College, ‘22

The following post is an annotated bibliography reviewing three separate scholarly articles, all rooted in the concept of adolescent neurological development as it translates into functional behavior. Stemming from key adolescent tendencies which Adrianna Galván touches on in the first few chapters of her text The Neuroscience of Adolescence, the studies detailed examine particular manifestations of impulse control, risk-taking, and the progression towards independence.

1. Article from the “further reading” suggestions at the end of the chapter: Casey, B.J. (2015). Beyond simple models of self-control to circuit based accounts of adolescent behavior. Annual Review of Psychology, 66, 295-319. Retrieved from: https://www-annualreviews-org.libproxy.kenyon.edu/doi/10.1146/annurev-psych-010814-015156
This article (recommended at the end of chapter one) discusses many of the same adolescent tendencies and related neurological models brought up by Galván, namely that of increased impulsiveness and experimentation. Though adolescents are physically in their near ‘prime’ in many ways, Casey first notes that their diminished self-control and inhibitions lead to increased mortality (specifically a 200% increase in preventable deaths) throughout such a challenging time of multi-leveled change. There exists within the adolescent brain a seeming inconsistency between increased “sensation seeking” but also the peak of anxiety and mood disorders. Casey points out the semi-hypocrisy of the negative, ‘defective’ connotation with adolescent tendencies for acting up. The brain has a lot to accomplish in adapting to drastically and rapidly changing both internal and environmental factors.
This article outlines two major approaches to understanding adolescent neuroscience and behavior: 1. “Translation,” which works across species uncovering evolutionarily-grounded behaviors. For example, all mammals exhibit patterns for increased interest in novelty and exploration as well as peers over parents during the adolescent period. These prove adaptive functions for reproductive success as steps towards independence and self-sufficiency, allowing for improved resource acquisition. 2. “Transition,” which examines the specific development between the stages of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood.
Casey also touches on the “hot” and “cold” brain systems described briefly by Galván, where adolescent neuroscience is considered through the lens of active response to surrounding events (hot) vs. implicit mental planning and calculation (cold) in a ‘dual-system model of willpower.’ Puberty amplifies signaling in the hot system, which is likely responsible for disrupting the cold system, emphasizing immediate over delayed reward. In addition to the two system concept, there are three key interconnected brain areas mainly involved in self-control: the amygdala, prefrontal cortex, and ventral striatum. During adolescence, temperamentality increases especially in regards to social cues, which results in less caution when it comes to motivated behavior. Casey cites a number of studies dealing with such behavior, including one that showed more risky gambling choices in adolescents relative to adults, and another reporting a dulled ability to suppress responses toward an unexpected social cue. He also talks about control in regards to perceived threats. Despite the cultural association with adolescents thinking themselves invincible, the opposite has revealed itself in a number of ways such as adolescent overestimation of danger and fatality relative to adults. While adolescents can properly appreciate consequences, they are more susceptible to getting wrapped up in the heat of the moment, with social factors and increased emotional charge fueling the fire.

2. Empirical article published in the past four years: Takamura, T., Nishitani, S., Suegami, T., Doi, H., Kakeyama, M., & Shinohara, K. (2015). Developmental changes in the neural responses to own and unfamiliar mothers smiling face throughout puberty. Frontiers in Neuroscience, 9. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnins.2015.00200.
With its focus on the relationship between mother and child, I chose to examine this article due to the central definition provided by Galván in The Neuroscience of Adolescence that the adolescent period ends roughly when the individual establishes independence from parental figures. Takamura et al. reinforce the importance of early, positive mother-child connection in building social relationships with others in all different ways later in life This is especially significant as peer interaction becomes much more prevalent during adolescence, yet the parent-child bond is classically known to shift in dynamic at that same time.
The study explicated in this article compares the neural response of males at three different developmental stages throughout puberty to a video of their respective mothers’ smiling. The sample of boys was split roughly into thirds between those just pre-puberty, near the height of puberty, and those who recently exited the pubertal phase. Response was measured specifically in the anterior section of the prefrontal cortex, and weighed against the neural response induced by the sight of an unfamiliar mother’s smiling face. It was found that the right inferior and medial parts of the anterior cortex would activate in those pre-puberty, while the left inferior, medial, and superior parts would light up in the mid-puberty group. Researchers concluded that this signified feelings of empathy, developed by supportive memory traces of maternal connection. Post-puberty demonstrated a lack of active response, indicating decreased interest in and reliance on parental figures.

3. Supplementary article: Galvan, A., Hare, T., Voss, H., Glover, G., & Casey, B. (2007). Risk-taking and the adolescent brain: Who is at risk? Developmental Science, 10(2), F8-F14. Retrieved from: http://search.ebscohost.com.libproxy.kenyon.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=mnh&AN=17286837&site=ehost-live.

Galván also talks a great deal in her introduction to adolescence as a whole as well as the concept of puberty about the idea of risk-taking as it has been traditionally associated with the adolescent stage. This empirical article (where Galván herself is involved as one of a number of responsible researchers) begins by noting the individual differences in impulsivity despite an overall tendency towards it and assumed cultural connection. While neurological reward-anticipation has been linked to risky behavior, and specifically greater nucleus accumbens (part of the ventral striatum) activity has been demonstrated in adolescents in comparison to their child and adult counterparts, this study strived to determine (over different developmental stages) whether accumbens activity directly correlates with the likelihood to undertake risks.
Galván et al. tested this central question through the use of fMRI conducted on participants ranging from child to adult, while following a certain version of the ‘Cognitive Appraisal of Risk Activities’ to assess how each individual weighed possible risks and consequences in regards to a given situation. While adults and adolescents indicated an association between accumbens activity and both negative and positive perceived consequences of risky behavior engagement, children did not. On the other hand, children and adolescents associated anticipated negative consequences with logically less engagement in risky behavior, but the anticipated pitfalls did not significantly sway the likelihood for engagement in adults. Whether an individual will perceive the consequences of an action as negative or positive is linked to both accumbens activity and their likelihood of engaging in risky behavior, and that proved true across all developmental stages. The researchers deduced that a change in the anticipation of risky behaviors’ consequences could therefore form the basis for the adolescent tendencies towards risk-taking, with the short-term benefits (such as peer admiration and overall social status) outweighing for them the potential long-term negative consequences. Additionally, as far as individual variation goes, case-by-case differences in consequence perception could determine whether the adolescent actually chooses to engage in the behavior.

Retrieved from: https://www.jyi.org/2018-may/2018/4/26/seeking-happiness-understanding-the-mechanisms-of-mixing-music-and-drugs

Retrieved from: https://www-annualreviews-org.libproxy.kenyon.edu/doi/10.1146/annurev-psych-010814-015156

Retrieved from: https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/neuroscience/ventromedial-prefrontal-cortex

References:

Casey, B.J. (2015). Beyond simple models of self-control to circuit based accounts of adolescent behavior. Annual Review of Psychology, 66, 295-319. Retrieved from: https://www-annualreviews-org.libproxy.kenyon.edu/doi/10.1146/annurev-psych-010814-015156.

Galvan, A., Hare, T., Voss, H., Glover, G., & Casey, B. (2007). Risk-taking and the adolescent brain: Who is at risk? Developmental Science, 10(2), F8-F14. Retrieved from: http://search.ebscohost.com.libproxy.kenyon.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=mnh&AN=17286837&site=ehost-live.

Galván, A. (2017). The Neuroscience of Adolescence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (Chapter 1: “What is Adolescence?” & Chapter 2: “Puberty”)

Takamura, T., Nishitani, S., Suegami, T., Doi, H., Kakeyama, M., & Shinohara, K. (2015). Developmental changes in the neural responses to own and unfamiliar mothers smiling face throughout puberty. Frontiers in Neuroscience, 9. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnins.2015.00200.